SALT | Devarim 5784 - 2024

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לע"נ
Jeffrey Paul Friedman z"l
August 15, 1968 – July 29, 2012
יהודה פנחס ע"ה בן הרב שרגא פייוועל נ"י
כ"ב אב תשכ"ח – י' אב תשע"ב
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MOTZAEI

         In his introduction to Sefer Devarim, Abarbanel poses a very simple question about this sefer: who wrote it?  Was Sefer Devarim, like the rest of the Chumash, dictated word-for-word from the Almighty to Moshe, or, did Moshe himself compose this sefer with ru'ach ha-kodesh (divine spirit, prophetic powers), much like the later prophets did (Yeshayahu, Yirmiyahu, etc.)?  Since the bulk of Sefer Devarim is simply a transcript of Moshe's addresses to Benei Yisrael, one might argue that this sefer is his own creation, just as the prophets would record their prophecies.

         Abarbanel cites conflicting pieces of evidence in this regard; several factors appear to indicate that we cannot distinguish this sefer in any way from its four predecessors, whereas others indeed lead us to conclude that Moshe himself composed Sefer Devarim.  Let us begin with the indications that this sefer, too, was dictated to Moshe.  First and foremost, it is hard to imagine that the Torah, which records for us the direct word of God, would find it appropriate to interject the words of a human being – if even that human being is none other than Moshe Rabbenu. Additionally, Sefer Devarim introduces for the first time several mitzvot which do not appear anywhere earlier in the Torah (for example, the mitzva of yibum – 25:5-10).  If Moshe himself wrote this sefer, how could he add mitzvot; is this not the exclusive realm of the Almighty?  Finally, and perhaps most conclusively, Chazal explicitly comment (Sanhedrin 99a) that whoever claims that even a single verse in the Torah was written by Moshe, rather than by the Almighty Himself, is considered a heretic.  Seemingly, then, we can draw no distinction between Sefer Devarim and the first four Chumashim, and they were all dictated directly from God to Moshe.

         On the other hand, Abarbanel notes, one can raise convincing arguments in the opposite direction, as well.  For one thing, although, as mentioned, Sefer Devarim does seem to introduce new mitzvot, it also rehashes many mitzvot discussed previously in Chumash.  This repetition is easily understood if we view this sefer as Moshe's own composition.  He perhaps felt that certain laws required further clarification or emphasis and therefore chose to repeat it.  If, however, God Himself wrote this sefer, then why did He not provide sufficient clarification or emphasis the first time?  Secondly, the overwhelming majority of Sefer Devarim is written in first person, from the perspective of Moshe himself, implying that it is he, rather than God, speaking.  Finally, Chazal themselves, towards the end of Masekhet Megila, draw a distinction between Devarim and the earlier sefarim in this regard.  The Gemara says that the tokhecha section (describing the blessings and curses that will befall Benei Yisrael for their compliance with or neglect of the Torah) in Sefer Vayikra was said by God, whereas the tokhecha in Devarim was told by Moshe himself. 

         How can we reconcile all these conflicting pieces of evidence?

         Abarbanel suggests a very simple explanation.  Seeing that his end was drawing near, Moshe Rabbenu assembled Benei Yisrael for a final series of addresses containing words of admonition and a review of mitzvot that he found it necessary to clarify or emphasize. Afterward, God told Moshe to include this series of lectures in the Chumash as part of the Torah.  He then dictated to Moshe word-for-word Sefer Devarim, with perhaps certain changes from the original presentations, such that Sefer Devarim became part of Chumash on a level equal to that of the first four sefarim. 

         This resolves all the issues raised earlier except for one.  What about the mitzvot introduced for the first time in Sefer Devarim?  If this sefer was originally narrated by Moshe, how could he come up with his own mitzvot? Abarbanel therefore contends that in truth, Sefer Devarim does not contain any new mitzvot not found earlier in the Torah.  If one searches hard enough, he claims, he can trace the origin of every "new" mitzva in this sefer somewhere earlier in Chumash.  (Yibum, for example, can be said as having originally appeared in Parashat Vayeishev, in the story of Yehuda and Tamar.)  Indeed, throughout his commentary to Sefer Devarim, Abarbanel makes a point of informing his readers of where all seemingly new mitzvot in Sefer Devarim initially appeared earlier in the Chumash.

SUNDAY

         The Midrash Rabba, towards the beginning of Sefer Devarim, observes the transition undergone by Moshe Rabbenu from a poor speaker to a masterful orator: "Moshe, before he earned the Torah, it is written [about him], 'I am not a man of words' (Shemot 4:10); once he earned Torah, he was cured and began speaking words.  From where [do we know this]?  'These are the words that Moshe spoke' [the first verse of Sefer Devarim]."

         This Midrash apparently seeks to resolve the difficulty that one might raise concerning Sefer Devarim.  If, indeed, Moshe suffered from a speech impediment, as he himself claimed in Sefer Shemot, then how could he have spoken all of Sefer Devarim – a series of long presentations delivered to the entire nation?  Undoubtedly, the Midrash responds, Moshe's handicap was supernaturally cured as a result of the merit of Torah.

         One obvious question, however, arises from this Midrash.  To be sure, the recital of the entirety of Sefer Devarim for a man of impeded speech is indeed an impressive achievement.  But this is not the first time Moshe speaks publicly to Benei Yisrael.  Why, then, did this miraculous cure affect him only now, as he prepared to deliver the speeches of Sefer Devarim?  How did he manage throughout the last forty years when he had to convey the mitzvot to Benei Yisrael?

         Rav Yosef Shaul Nathanson, in his "Divrei Shaul," suggests an answer based on the approach taken by the Ran (derashot, 5) to explain the significance behind Moshe Rabbenu's speech impediment.  After all, does it not seem odd that the man who conveyed to us God's law could not speak properly?  Wouldn't we have expected the Almighty to cure Moshe of his stammer once he was chosen as the transmitter of the Torah?  The Ran explained that quite to the contrary, Moshe's oratory handicap served a crucial role in Moshe's transmission of God's law.  Had he been an eloquent, fluid orator, people might have attributed Benei Yisrael's acceptance of the Torah to his public speaking skills, his power of persuasion and charismatic oratory style.  Moshe's handicapped speech thus helped prove the divine origin of his teachings, that he was believed not because of his oratory skills, but because he spoke the true word of God.

         On this basis, Rav Nathanson explains, we can understand why Moshe's impediment was cured only before his presentation of Sefer Devarim.  As we saw yesterday in the comments of Abarbanel, Sefer Devarim was, essentially, composed by Moshe Rabbenu himself (though afterwards, according to Abarbanel, God repeated the material to Moshe who then transcribed it). As opposed to the rest of Chumash, in which Moshe took no active role other than listening and faithfully transcribing, Sefer Devarim consists of Moshe's own words of rebuke, admonition and instruction.  Here, Rav Nathanson claims, no purpose was served by a speech impediment.  So long as Moshe transmitted word-for-word God's instructions, it was indeed necessary that his own input be kept to a minimum, thus necessitating poor oratory skills on Moshe's part so as to prove the divine origin of the material.  But when Moshe speaks as Moshe, rather than as God's mouthpiece, then to the contrary, masterful oratory skills only enhance his presentation and help ensure its effectiveness.  Therefore, Moshe's disability remained until he spoke Sefer Devarim, at which point the merit of the Torah brought him a miraculous cure and he spoke fluidly and articulately.

MONDAY

         There are several ways one can divide Sefer Devarim, but perhaps the broadest division splits the sefer into three general units.  The first, which runs through the first eleven chapters, contains Moshe's general words of admonition to the people, drawing very heavily upon the nation's experiences, and particularly their mistakes, over the last four decades of travel through the wilderness.  In the second section, which continues through chapter 26, Moshe enumerates far more specific laws and instructions.  The sefer's final section consists of Moshe's closing remarks to the people, including his final words of warning and blessing.

         In considering the first section, many writers have questioned the sequence of Moshe's presentation, particularly the arrangement of his historical references. In Parashat Devarim, Moshe briefly reviews the entire forty-year period from Benei Yisrael's embarkation from Sinai through their recent victory of the kingdoms of Sichon and Og.  He makes no mention whatsoever of Matan Torah, the sin of the golden calf, Korach's rebellion, or Benei Yisrael's complaints in the wilderness.  All these events do, however, appear, in one form or another, somewhere later in this first unit.  On what basis did Moshe arrange his "memoirs" of the last forty years? Why does he not mention them in chronological sequence?

         This question is easily answered once we realize that the first section itself consists of several distinct speeches delivered by Moshe.  A careful reading of the first several chapters of this sefer reveals that in the first three chapters, which encompass Parashat Devarim and the first several verses of Parashat Vaetchanan, Moshe speaks not one word of explicit rebuke, admonition or instruction.  He speaks almost as if presenting an objective, historical review, with no editorial comments whatsoever.  His first explicit instruction appears only in the first verse of chapter 4: "Now, Israel, listen to the statutes and to the laws that I teach you to perform… "  This chapter appears to begin a new presentation delivered by Moshe, one of chastisement and warning which builds upon events of the wilderness period. The first speech, by contrast, consists entirely of historical recollection.

         It therefore should not surprise us that later in Sefer Devarim we read of events that occurred earlier than events told in Parashat Devarim; since these are different speeches, the incidents recalled in the second need not have occurred later than those spoken of in the first.

         What remains, then, is to explain the purpose of the historical review of Parashat Devarim.  Why does Moshe present this historical review?  Additionally, on what basis did he choose which events he will mention and which he will omit?  This speech mentions only several of the events of the wilderness period, mainly the sin of the spies and the victorious battle against Sichon and Og.  Why does he discuss these events and omit Matan Torah, the golden calf, and so many other incidents?

         The answer, as explained by Rav David Tzvi Hoffman in his commentary to this parasha, is clear.  As Moshe addresses the people at this juncture, he realizes that Benei Yisrael had been in this precise situation thirty-eight years earlier, as they encamped in Kadesh Barnea prepared to enter Eretz Yisrael.  On the brink of their entry to the Promised Land to fulfill the destiny of Am Yisrael, the nation loses trust in God and in itself and decides it cannot proceed.  As a result of the sin of the spies, in which Benei Yisrael express their doubts about conquering Eretz Yisrael, that generation perished in the wilderness and their children wandered for thirty-eight years.  Now, the nation is once again poised to make their historic entry into the land.  Moshe's first concern, therefore, is to avoid another sin of the scouts, to emphasize to Benei Yisrael their ability to capture the land, to remind them that they have nothing at all to fear.

         This easily explains why in this speech Moshe dwells upon specifically the sin of the scouts and Benei Yisrael's victory over Sichon and Og.  The account of the sin of the spies reminds the people of the calamity they suffered for their lack of trust in God's ability to lead them to victory, and the triumph over Sichon and Og gives them a taste of what God promises will occur once they cross the Jordan.

         Tomorrow we will iy"H examine the other incidents recalled by Moshe in this speech and try to explain how they, too, help develop this theme of faith in God's ability to lead Benei Yisrael to victory.

TUESDAY

         As we discussed yesterday, Moshe's first speech of Sefer Devarim, which forms the first three chapters of this sefer (Parashat Devarim and the first verses of Parashat Vaetchanan), is intended to prevent another "chet ha-meragelim."  Benei Yisrael now prepare for their long-anticipated entry into Eretz Yisrael to fulfill their destiny of establishing a nation in the land promised to their ancestors.  Moshe realizes that the people had been in this very situation thirty-eight years earlier, only to be denied entry into the land as a result of the sin of the scouts, where they lose faith in God's ability to grant them victory over the powerful nations of Canaan.  Moshe therefore reviews for them the events of the last forty years, elaborating upon the sin of the scouts as well as their recent, stunning triumph over Sichon and Og, which effectively began the process of conquest which he urges them to continue across the Jordan River. 

         Today we will look at the two other events recalled by Moshe in this speech. The first, which Moshe discusses towards the very beginning of his presentation (1:9-17), is the appointment of a judicial network to assist him in tending to the nation's judicial needs. Why does this episode, inherently significant as it may be, earn mention in Moshe's brief historical review in Parashat Devarim?  An answer appears already in the Ramban's commentary (1:9): "He mentions this here to say: Behold, we received the Torah and you had [appointed] over you judges and law-enforcers to judge and govern you, and behold we were ready and poised to enter the land."  According to the Ramban, the appointment of judges constituted the final stage in the process of preparation for Benei Yisrael's entry into Canaan.  In essence, it marked the culmination of Matan Torah, such that at this point the nation was ready to pick up and march into the land. The thirty-eight-year delay resulted only from Benei Yisrael's lack of trust as expressed during the incident of the spies.

         Other commentators follow the Ramban's general approach with slight variation. Abarbanel explains that the appointment of judges was necessary specifically for life in Eretz Yisrael. In the wilderness, where the entire nation encamped together, it was possible, perhaps, for all court cases to be brought before Moshe's tribunal.  But once they enter the land and communities arise throughout the country, a "circuit" system of sorts would be necessary.  Moshe impresses upon Benei Yisrael that he was so confident in their imminent entry into the land that he had already begun preparing for the new judicial reality that will arise once they cross the Jordan Rover.

         Along somewhat similar lines, Rav Shimshon Refael Hirsch also suggests that Moshe here seeks to contrast his faith in Benei Yisrael's entry into Eretz Yisrael with the nation's lack of confidence.  Only according to Rav Hirsch, Moshe here emphasizes that rather than devising military strategy and arranging the nation's forces, Moshe prepared for their entry into Canaan by ensuring the ethical quality of the society they were to build in their country.  Benei Yisrael's victory was guaranteed by the Almighty; the people's role at this point was to focus on the moral and spiritual fabric of their nation, and leave the fighting to God.  They, however, did not have sufficient trust in God's ability, as reflected in the incident of the spies.

         The second event recorded by Moshe in this speech that requires an explanation is the series of warnings issued by God to refrain from initiating hostilities against the nations Benei Yisrael passed along their route.  Benei Yisrael's wanderings brought them near the borders of Seir, or Edom – the descendants of Esav, and of Moav and Amon – the descendants of Avraham's nephew, Lot.  As Benei Yisrael passed near each of these nations, God warned them to abstain from any military action against them, as He promised these lands to these nations in the merit of their righteous ancestors.  Why does Moshe recall these warnings in this presentation?

         The Rashbam (2:5) explains as follows: "Moshe needed to inform [them] now of all these warnings lest their hearts soften [with fear], saying: If the Almighty wishes to give us a portion and He has the ability [to do so], why did He not oust for us these nations whom we passed?"  Benei Yisrael might wonder why God hadn't instructed them to wage war against the nations whose territory blocked their path to Canaan and required them to take long, circuitous routes.  Moshe reassured them that this was due only to God's ancient promise to these nations, rather than any weakness on His part, Heaven forbid, which would give Benei Yisrael concern as they prepare for war with the nations of Canaan.

         It thus turns out that these events, too, are mentioned here as part of Moshe's effort to implant within Benei Yisrael sufficient trust in God's ability that they do not repeat the tragic mistake of the previous generation.

WEDNESDAY

         Moshe devotes a considerable portion of his discussion in Parashat Devarim to describing chet ha-meragelim, the sin of the scouts.  After recalling Benei Yisrael's panicked response to the scouts' report, Moshe tells, "God heard 'kol divreikhem' [literally, 'the sound of your words'], and was incensed… " (1:34).  This unusual phrase, "kol divreikhem," is used again a bit later in Sefer Devarim, in Parashat Vaetchanan (5:24), amidst Moshe's account of the events at Ma'amad Har Sinai.  He speaks there of the terror experienced by Benei Yisrael upon hearing God uttering the commandments at Sinai.  Fearing for their lives, they approach Moshe and request that he alone hear God's word directly and then convey it to them, rather than having them all hear God speak.  Moshe recalls that God "heard 'kol divreikhem'" and responded favorably. He applauds Benei Yisrael for their fear of God and grants their request. 

         Wherein lies the significance behind this parallel between these two incidents?

         Rav Shimshon Refael Hirsch (in his commentary to Parashat Vaetchanan) explains that in both these instances, it was the "kol," the voice, the manner in which Benei Yisrael spoke, that determined the propriety or impropriety of their petition.  These are two cases when Benei Yisrael submit a request to change God's plan, so-to-speak, when they express their fear of the outcome of the current course.  Both at Sinai and in response to the scouts, the nation voices concerns that are potentially legitimate, but potentially rejectionist.  At Sinai, Moshe himself frowns upon the people's preference to hear the commandments indirectly, through an intermediary (see Rashi, 5:23), evidently seeing it as reflecting their disinterest in forging a close relationship with the Almighty.  But God, who knows and understands the thoughts of man, knew and understood that Benei Yisrael's request resulted from a genuine fear of divine power, rather than from cold spiritual indifference.  Likewise, Benei Yisrael's concerns upon hearing the spies' report could have theoretically earned some justification.  But once again, God testified to the "sound of their words," He understood the general aura of their fears and complaints, and realized that they spoke with an unjustified lack of faith and resolve.

         This inverse parallel between these two incidents may emerge from a comment by Chazal, as well, who note another distinction between the sin of the spies and Benei Yisrael's request that Moshe serve as intermediary at Sinai.  In his account of the sin of the spies, Moshe tells, "Va-tikrevun eilai kulekhem" ("You all approached me" – 1:22) to request a spy mission before the nation's entry into Canaan. Rashi, citing from the Sifrei, notes that Moshe employs a similar expression in his description of Benei Yisrael's request at Sinai.  There, however, the verse continues, "[Va-tikrevun elai] all the elders of your tribes… "  This description, Chazal claim, indicates a certain orderliness and respectful demeanor. Benei Yisrael commissioned a delegation of national leaders to come before Moshe and request that he serve as intermediary.  In the incident of the scouts, by contrast, the people approached Moshe "be-irvuvya," recklessly and disorderly, the younger ones shoving aside the older ones.

Once again, we see that the manner in which something is spoken determines its seemliness.  We have here two situations of widespread fear and dread, but two entirely different responses to this feeling.  At Har Sinai, Benei Yisrael react rationally, sending their officials to Moshe to suggest an alternative arrangement.  In the case of the scouts, by contrast, the nation responds to their fear with thoughtless panic, losing all confidence in God's ability or willingness to protect them from harm.        

THURSDAY

         The opening verse of Sefer Devarim contains a list of names of places, many of which have never been mentioned before in the Torah.  The straightforward reading of the verse indicates that in these places Moshe spoke the discourse that is to follow.  According to Rashbam, all these places are mentioned in order to specify the precise location in which this discourse took place (as if someone would describe a house as situated "in the Middle East, in Israel, in Gush Etzion, in Alon Shevut, in the new neighborhood… "). Seforno explains that these are the places where Benei Yisrael steered away from the direct route to Eretz Yisrael as a result of the divine decree issued in the wake of the sin of the spies. In these locations, Moshe told Benei Yisrael verse 2 of this chapter – that they had been just eleven days away from their entry into Canaan, but their wrongdoing caused their extended sojourn in the wilderness.

         In any event, these approaches agree that the names listed in this verse are, indeed, the names of geographic locations.

         Rashi, however, adopts the homiletic approach of the Sifrei, which interprets the names in this verse as subtle references to Benei Yisrael's sins in the wilderness.  Sefer Devarim opens by informing us that Moshe in this sefer admonishes Benei Yisrael for their various sins, referred to by allusion in this verse.

         The final reference in this verse is "di zahav," which, according to the Sifrei, alludes to the sin of the golden calf (zahav = gold).  The Gemara in Masekhet Berakhot (32a) explains more fully the precise meaning of the term "di zahav" in reference to this tragic incident.  According to the Gemara, the word "di" is related to (or perhaps synonymous with) the familiar word "dai," which means "enough."   "Di zahav," therefore, means "enough gold."  Ironically, the Gemara views this term as evolving from Moshe's attempt at vindicating Benei Yisrael's worship of the golden calf. While imploring the Almighty on Benei Yisrael's behalf, Moshe attributes the sin to the fact that God gave them "so much gold that they said, 'Dai!'"  It was the abundant gold showered upon them by the Almighty (from the spoils of Egypt) which led to the misuse of their gold, from which they fashioned the golden calf.

         Why would abundant gold lead Benei Yisrael to worship a golden calf?  And why does Moshe emphasize the fact that the gold was "enough" for Benei Yisrael?  Furthermore, cynicism aside, does anyone ever have too much wealth? Did Benei Yisrael really say "enough," implying that they simply could not handle any more gold?

         A fascinating explanation of this Gemara was suggested by Rav Avraham Yitzchak Kook (as recorded in "Ein Aya").  People are never to feel satisfied in their spiritual pursuits; the human soul constantly yearns for greater refinement and development, to continue growing and rising.  We must therefore avoid feelings of contentment when assessing our spiritual achievements.  For this reason, Rav Kook claims, God implanted within the human being an insatiable appetite for physical indulgence and material gain.  The endless pursuit of wealth and luxury which characterizes the existential condition of mankind is meant to reflect the incessant yearning of the soul for spiritual elevation.  The never ending feeling of discontentment which we always feel with respect to money and comfort must be seen as an example of our inner soul's constant dissatisfaction with our current spiritual accomplishments.

         Moshe's claim to the Almighty was that He denied Benei Yisrael this experience of existential dissatisfaction.  In the supernatural conditions in which Benei Yisrael lived in the wilderness, they had little use, or no use, for gold.  They could indeed cry "Enough!" after loading several wagons with gold and riches.  Having all their physical needs cared for miraculously by God, Benei Yisrael lost the otherwise instinctive tendency to continue accumulating wealth endlessly. As a natural consequence, they lost sight of the parallel sense of constant discontentment with which they were to approach their service of God.  This phenomenon, Rav Kook explains, led to the abandonment of Judaism and the worship of the golden calf.  A person cannot retain his loyalty to Torah if he "levels off," if he reaches a point at which he feels he has arrived at the apex beyond which he need not climb. 

         In our S.A.L.T. series for Parashat Ki-Tisa this past winter, we discussed one approach to the sin of the golden calf which attributed the sin to Benei Yisrael's fear of the burden of Torah.  Seeing just how long Moshe remained with God atop Mount Sinai, Benei Yisrael feared that perhaps this Torah he is studying is too much, too demanding, too overbearing.  In truth, Torah is none of the above.  It does not demand too much; it demands only that the individual constantly work to reach the next attainable level.  But Benei Yisrael looked for that zenith, the high point at which they are freed from the burden of progress.  From such a perspective, indeed the Torah is far too demanding, and Benei Yisrael thus rejected the Torah in favor of a golden calf, a mode of worship characterized by eating, drinking, and merrymaking (see Shemot 32:6), as opposed to the focused attention to constantly grow required by the Torah.

FRIDAY

         Parashat Devarim concludes with Moshe's account of the battle against the two powers of the East Bank – Sichon, king of the Emori, and Og, king of Bashan. Moshe's description of the events leading to and resulting from this battle differs drastically from the original account in Sefer Bemidbar.  In Parashat Chukat (Bemidbar 21:21-35), the Torah tells that Benei Yisrael submitted a request to Sichon asking for passage rights through his territory so as to shorten their journey to Eretz Yisrael.  Sichon refuses the request and initiates military conflict.  Fighting a defensive battle, Benei Yisrael defeat Sichon and seize control of his entire territory.  Sometime later, Og, too, initiates warfare against Benei Yisrael, and they once again defeat their aggressors and occupy their land.

         A much different picture emerges from Moshe's account in Parashat Devarim.  The second half of chapter 2 tells that God warns Benei Yisrael not to engage in any hostilities with the nation of Amon, along whose border they traveled, but should rather proceed peacefully across the Arnon valley.  He says: "Up!  Set out across the wadi Arnon!  See, I give into your power Sichon the Emori, king of Cheshbon, and his land.  Begin the occupation: engage him in battle" (2:24).  According to this account, the battle against Sichon, far from being merely defensive, in response to an unprovoked attack, was premeditated and part of God's plan. Moreover, this battle is portrayed as the first stage of the process of kibbush ha-aretz, the conquest of Eretz Yisrael.

         This distinction arises as well from the different versions of the aftermath of this war.  In Parashat Matot (Bemidbar 32), we read that the tribes of Reuven and Gad ask Moshe for permission to establish the captured territories as their permanent territory of settlement.  Rather than crossing the Jordan and settling Eretz Yisrael proper, along with the other tribes, they express interest in turning the lands of Sichon and Og into their eternal homeland.  Moshe responds in a fury, accusing these tribes of repeating the sin of the scouts, when Benei Yisrael refused to enter Eretz Yisrael.  Ultimately, after securing the tribes' promise to assist Benei Yisrael in their battle against the Canaanite nations, Moshe grants these tribes permission to permanently settle in the newly captured territories. 

         In Parashat Devarim, however, we hear none of this.  In 3:12-16, Moshe recalls his distribution of the captured lands to the tribes of Reuven, Gad and Menasheh without even an allusion to any hesitation or misgivings on his part.  The distribution of land is depicted here as having occurred as a natural consequence of Benei Yisrael's triumph and occupation of the land. 

         The explanation to these discrepancies is clear, and it flows naturally from our discussion earlier this week of the purpose underlying Moshe's historical review in Parashat Devarim.  In this monologue, which covers all of Parashat Devarim and the first few verses of Parashat Vaetchanan, Moshe's goal is to avoid another situation of chet ha-meragelim, to ensure that Benei Yisrael do not lose faith and trust in God's ability to lead them to victory in Canaan.  One of his strategies towards this end is to provide a new, retrospective outlook on the war against Sichon and Og.  True, Benei Yisrael's occupation of the land took place almost "by accident," as a result of a defensive war they did not initiate or want, but in retrospect, they can look back and see that this battle marked the beginning of the kibbush ha-aretz.  Although Moshe himself expressed considerable ambivalence, to say the least, towards the request of Reuven and Gad for permanent settlement on the East Bank, now that they have built cities and ranches in that territory, they could indeed view their settlement as part of the process of settling Eretz Yisrael.  In effect, Moshe Rabbenu here tells the people: You have nothing to fear, for the process has already begun, and has begun successfully. 

         In closing, we will briefly make mention of a difficulty noted by many commentators within the narrative in Parashat Devarim.  Earlier we cited a verse in which God specifically orders Benei Yisrael to approach the territory of Sichon and engage him in battle.  Yet, in response to this command, Moshe sends "messengers… to King Sichon of Cheshbon with an offer of peace, as follows, 'Let me pass through your country… " (2:26-27).  How could Moshe initiate a peace proposal to Sichon if God had specifically commanded Benei Yisrael to seize his land by force?  Was this not a flagrant violation of the divine command?

         Rashi explains that Moshe understood that God wished for him to propose peace, despite the fact that Sichon would undoubtedly respond with warfare.  As Rashi explains, Moshe learned this from one of two precedents.  In Egypt, God had Moshe petition Pharaoh for Benei Yisrael's release, despite the fact that such an effort was obviously futile.  Later, before Matan Torah, God offered the Torah to the other nations, knowing full well that they would undoubtedly refuse.  Moshe concluded on the basis of these incidents that he, too, must first make an offer of peace, even though God had explicitly told him that the peace efforts will fail.

         Ramban resolves the difficulty much differently, claiming that God's command to Moshe to wage war with Sichon appears in the Chumash out of chronological sequence.  In truth, God issued this command only after Moshe first made his offer to peace and Sichon brought his army out to fight Benei Yisrael.  This explanation is very uncharacteristic for the Ramban, who generally avoids as much as possible rearranging the Torah's chronology.

         (See the Netziv's "Ha'amek Davar" for yet another approach to resolving this difficulty.)

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