Melakhim B 14: Amatzya and the War with Yo'ash
SEFER MELAKHIM BET: THE SECOND BOOK OF KINGS
By Rav Alex
Israel
Shiur #16: Amatzya and the War with Yoash
In the two-hundred year span of the divided monarchy, Yehuda and Yisrael
rarely clashed in armed conflict.[1]
Relations between the sister-states were occasionally warm and friendly, but
most of the time there was minimal bilateral interference and friction. However,
during the reign of King Amatzya of Yehuda, violence flared between the South
and the North, in a military campaign that included the sole instance of a
Judean king captured by Yisrael.
THE ACCOUNT IN SEFER
MELAKHIM
Amatzya rises to the throne following his father's assassination. He is
described as faithful to God. He progressively gains power, and treads
carefully; his father's assassins are identified as "his servants" which
impliese that the plot against his father had originated in government circles.
Only after his reign stabilizes does he execute the men who killed his father.
Sefer Melakhim consolidates our positive religious impression of Amatzya
in a rare instance of quoting an earlier biblical book, Sefer Devarim
(24:15)[2]:
He did not put the sons of the assassins to death, in accordance with what is written in
the Book of the Law of Moses
Fathers shall not be put to death for their
children, nor children put to death for their fathers; each is to die for his
own sins." (II Melakhim 14:6)
This is evidence
that Amatzya knows the Torah and follows its dictates.
Amatzya's prowess
continues as he reasserts Israelite control over Edom for the first time in four
generations.[3]
His killing of ten thousand residents of the city of Sela, and his renaming it
Yokte'el, suggests the settlement of Israelites there. Scholars[4]
attest to the location of Sela as commanding important trade routes and copper
mines. It is probable that control of this region opened the way southward for
his son, Uzzia, who later establishes a successful port at Eilat (14:22). Up to
this point all seems to go well for Amatzya. We then read:
Then Amatzya sent messengers to Yehoash son of Yehoachaz son of Yeihu, king of
Yisrael, with the challenge: Come, meet me face to face. But Yehoash, king of
Yisrael, replied to Amatzya, king of Yehuda: A thistle in Lebanon sent a
message to a cedar in Lebanon, Give your daughter to my son in marriage. Then
a wild beast in Lebanon came along and trampled the thistle underfoot.[5] You have indeed defeated Edom and now
you are arrogant (lit. your heart has been raised). Glory in your victory, but
stay at home! Why ask for trouble and cause your own downfall and that of Yehuda
also? Amatzya, however, would not listen, so Yehoash, king of Yisrael, set
out. He and Amatzya king of Yehuda faced each other at Beit Shemesh in
Yehuda. Yehuda was routed by Yisrael,
and every man fled to his home.
Yehoash king of Yisrael captured Amatzya king of Yehuda,
the son of Yoash, the son of Achazya, at Beit Shemesh. Then Yehoash went to
Yerushalayim and broke down the wall of Yerushalayim from the Efrayim Gate to
the Corner Gatea section about six hundred feet long. He took all the gold and
silver and all the articles found in the temple of the Lord and in the treasuries of the
royal palace. He also took hostages and returned to Shomron. (II
Melakhim 14:8-14)
What led to this
war? One possibility is that Amatzya had extended his hand in peace, offering an
alliance with the North. This would explain the positive language of "meeting
face to face," and also Yoash's metaphor of marriage.[6]
If we follow this scenario, we will suggest that Amatzya wished to open access
to coastal ports to allow the flow of trade from Edom to the sea, and he sought
collaboration with Yisrael. However, he finds himself rebuffed by Yoash. Why did
Yoash reject the offer of national unity? Possibly because he belittled Yehuda's
power:
Even a peaceful collaboration was disdainful to him [Yoash], and certainly to
join hands in battle. (Radak)
However the more
standard view is that Amatzya's actively instigated the aggression against the
North, possibly to shift the border northward.[7]
Although the text shrouds many elements of the story in obscurity, there
is no doubt that this war was the greatest of failures on Amatzya's part. The
army is defeated, Yerushalayim penetrated and Amatzya and members of his clan
are taken captive. Curiously, Sefer Melakhim fails to articulate an
ethical or religious criticism of Amatzya.[8]
At the text offers an implicit accusation of "arrogance" as embedded in Yoash's
verbal jibe "You defeated Edom and now you have become haughty" (14:10)
addressed to Amatzya.
Amatzya's fate after
the war is also something of a riddle. The text records the capture of the king
(14:13). If so, when did he return? The unusual notation that "Amatzya
lived
fifteen years after the death of Yehoash" (14:17) is commonly taken to indicate
that Uzzia assumed the throne in his father's lifetime, while his father was
prisoner in Shomron.[9]
Further obscurity surrounds the
circumstances of his assassination. It seems that the conspiracy originated in
Yerushalayim but transpired in Lakhish. Had Amatzya reassumed the throne in
Yerushalayim? What were the motives of the assassins?
THE VIEW FROM DIVREI
HA-YAMIM
Divrei Ha-yamim resolves some of these questions by offering a
different perspective of Amatzya's actions. From a pure historical perspective,
Divrei Ha-yamim adds new information, filling significant gaps in
the story as reported by Melakhim. However, the resulting impression of
Amatzya as perceived in Divrei Ha-yamim, is essentially different from a
reading of Melakhim.[10]
We may list the significant differences as follows:
1.
Amatzya's Brutality Against Edom
When Amatzya conquers Sela, he "captured
ten thousand men alive, took them to the top of a cliff and threw them down so
that all were dashed to pieces"
(II Divrei Ha-yamim 25:11).
It is possible that this violence was merely reflective of the norms of ancient warfare.[11]
However one midrashic source condemns this action as highly unjustified, and a
cause of national exile:[12]
I smiled upon you in the days of Amatzya, as it is said: "And Amatzya took
courage, and led forth his people to the Valley of Salt
He captured ten thousand men alive, took them to the top of a cliff and threw
them down
(II Divrei Ha-yamim 25:11). At that time the Holy One, Blessed
be He, said: "I decreed death upon the descendants of Noah only by the sword,
but these "threw them down, all were dashed in pieces,"
. At that time, the
Holy One, Blessed Be He said, "Since they acted thus they shall go into exile."
(Eikha Rabba 14)
2.
The Cause of Amatzya's Aggression Against Yisrael
Divrei Ha-yamim details a very different lead-up to the clash
between Amatzya and Yoash:
Amatzya called the people of Yehuda
three hundred thousand men ready for
military service
He also hired one hundred thousand fighting men from
Yisrael for one hundred talents
of silver.
But a man of God came to him and said, O king, these troops from Yisrael must
not march with you, for God is not with Yisraelnot with any of the people of
Efrayim
Amatzya asked the man of God, But what about the hundred talents I
paid for these Israelite troops? The man of God replied, The Lord can give you much more than
that. So Amatzya dismissed the troops who had come to him from Efrayim and sent
them home. They were furious with Yehuda and left for home in a great rage
The
troops that Amatzya had sent
raided Judean towns from Samaria to Beth Choron.
They killed three thousand people and carried off great quantities of plunder. (II Divrei Ha-yamim 25:6-10, 13)
Here we have:
·
The hiring of 100,000
Northern troops
·
The prophet instructing
Amatzya that they are tainted and hence unsuitable for the Judean military
force, because: "God is not with Yisrael"
·
Amatzya obeying the prophet
·
The rejected troops are
insulted and they respond by rampaging through Judean towns on their return to
the North, killing 3000 civilians.
This scenario throws
Amatzya's actions into a new light. At the start, Amatzya is happy to
collaborate with Yisrael, and he hires 100,000 troops. However animosity and
violence erupt once Amatzya dismisses the mercenaries. This in turn induces
Amatzyas belligerent call to battle against Yoash.
Now, the catalyst to the entire episode is the prophet's advice. What is the
reason that Yehuda be restricted from associating with Yisrael? In the past,
when Yehoshafat (Yehuda) associated with Achav (Yisrael) and the two royal
houses united in marriage, it resulted in a devastating influx of idolatry into
Yehuda. Does this explain the ban? Do the prophet's words give Amatzya the
impression that he can defeat them on the battlefield?
3.
Amatzya's Idolatry and
Opposition to the Prophet
Amatzya's
guilt is not his pride, but rather his religious turn to idolatry:
When Amatzya returned from slaughtering the Edomites, he brought back the gods
of the people of Seiir. He set them up as his own gods, bowed down to them and
burned sacrifices to them. The anger
of the Lord burned against Amatzya, and he sent a prophet to him, who said, Why
do you consult this peoples gods, which could not save their own people from
your hand? While he was still speaking, the king said to him, Have we appointed you
an adviser to the king? Stop! Why be struck down? So the prophet stopped but
said, I know that God has determined to destroy you, because you have done this
and have not listened to my counsel. (II Divrei Ha-yamim
25:14-16)
Here Amatzya adopts
the gods of the people of Seiir (Edom), bows and sacrifices to them, and then
threatens the prophet who berates him for his misdemeanour.
As we may observe,
the perspectives of Melakhim and Divrei Ha-yamim are rather
different. Melakhim offers an Amatzya who is religiously devoted and
successful in expanding his empire. His aggression towards Yisrael, possibly
generated by overinflated hubris, lead to his demise.
Not only does
Divrei Ha-yamim detail the sources of political tension between the North
and South, but it also presents two distinct stages of Amatzya's reign. Prior to
the campaign against Edom, Amatzya obeys the prophet and acts faithfully to God;
he demonstrates compassion (against his father's assassins) and seeks national
unity. After the successful campaign in Edom, he worships idols, intimidates the
prophet and resists his message, exhibits extreme cruelty to Edom, and engages
in a bombastic war campaign. Divrei Ha-yamim offers a coherent rationale
for Amatzya's downfall; his turn to idolatry and his direct challenge to God
arouse God's punishment.[13]
CONCLUSION
We don't know what
generated the drastic shift in Amatzyas behavior. In some ways, he recalls his
father, Yoash of Yehuda,[14]
whose early life was marked by ardent devotion to God, but who altered radically
in later life, rejecting the priesthood, turning to idolatry. Both kings
disastrously mismanaged a war which resulted in Yerushalayim being penetrated by
the enemy, and both kings were assassinated by political opponents.
This is a
challenging historical period. After years of Aramean pressure, the region
experiences a power vacuum which invites local kings to vie for regional
control. It offers opportunities and dangers. In this environment, we see Yehuda
regaining control over Edom, and eventually opening a port in Eilat. However in
Amatzya's attempt to dominate Yisrael, he instigates his own downfall.
[1] Military engagement is
recorded after the split of the kingdom between Aviam and Assa (Yehuda) against
Yerovam and Baasha (Yisrael,) see I Melakhim 14:30, 15:6, 15. See also the war,
before the fall of the northern kingdom, between Pekah and Ahaz: II Melakhim
16:1-9, Yishayahu 7:1-9.
[2] For more on
this, see Rabbi Dr. Yonatan Grossman, "A Man Shall Be
Put To Death Only For His Own Crime," (VBM):
http://www.vbm-torah.org/parsha.59/48kitetz.htm
[3] Yehuda had lost control
over Edom in the reign of Yehoram, Amatzya's great-grandfather; see 8:20.
[4] See Daat Mikra and
Olam Ha-Tanakh.
There is some uncertainty as to the identification of
Sela. Whereas Josephus identified it as Petra, it more likely ought to be
identified as
es-Sela, an imposing natural rock fortress that still carries the name, east of
Tafilleh (Tofel) and near the Edomite city of Bozrah (Buseirah) in the rugged
highlands of today's southern Jordan. Surrounded on all sides by deep ravines,
es-Sela rises more than 600 feet above the surrounding valleys, culminating in a
broad, flat summit. It can only be reached by an ancient, well-hidden staircase
that follows a narrow cleft in the eastern face of the mountain. This would fit the account in Divrei
Ha-yamim of 10,000 men being hurled
from the Sela.
[5] The parable does not seem
to accurately correspond to the situation at hand. Whereas it is clear that
Yehoash is describing himself as superior the mighty cedar and Amatzya as
inferior the lowly thistle, the applications of the other metaphorical
elements (son and daughter, the offer of marriage, and the identity of the
"beast of the field") elude us. Rashi reads Yehoash's parable as a popular folk
fable that originated in the story of Yaakov and Shekhem ben Chamor. Tanakh
offers several instances of parables using the flora of the region, most
classically, Yotam's parable in Shoftim 9:8-15. See also next footnote.
[6] Shmuel Yeivin,
Studies in the Book of Kings - Proceedings from The Bible Study
Circle at the Residence of David Ben-Gurion, vol.2, B.Z. Luria (ed.) (Yerushalayim: Kiryat Sefer, 1985), pp. 303-4 and the
ensuing discussion, pp. 308-310.
[7]
Rashi, Radak, Ralbag. This reading rests on Amatzya's initial approach of "nitra'eh
panim" a phrase which is ambivalent on its own being mirrored by "va-yira'u
panim" which describes a military clash, and clarifies the intent behind the
language of Amatzya's initial approach. Regarding Amatzya's motives, see Oded
Bustenai and Michael Kochman in Olam Ha-Tanakh pg. 107.
[8] As articulated by Rav Yosef
Kaspi: "How did the good and righteous fall into the hands of the wicked?" He
soon addresses the issue philosophically, by stating that any number of
Amatzya's sins may have been left unrecorded by the author of Sefer Melakhim.
Possibly the discomfort with the lack of justice explains the elements
introduced by Divrei Ha-yamim in which Amatzya features as more guilty.
[9]
See Y. Kiel, Daat Mikra, M. Cogan and H. Tadmor, in the Anchor Bible
pg.159.
[10]
Sara Japhet notes that whereas Melakhim generally depicts a king in a static
way, as a sinful or righteous king (as a function of his idolatry or opposition
to it), Divrei Ha-yamim will frequently present a more complex biography
with vacillations in the religious affiliation of the king. This is true
regarding Rechavam, Assa, Yehoshafat, Yoash, Amatzya, Uzzia, Chizkiyahu,
Menashe and Yoshiyahu. See The Ideology of the Book of Chronicles and its
place in Biblical Thought (Yerushalayim: Mossad Bialik, 1977) pp. 410-11.
[11] See another difficult
episode in II Shmuel 8:2 or the mass killing in I
Melakhim 11:15-16.
[12]
It is my impression that Tehillim 137 similarly reflects the condemnation
of the wanton violence that inheres in this cruel mode of execution: "O Daughter
of Babylon, doomed to destruction, happy is he who repays you for what you have
done to us. Happy is he who seizes your infants and dashes them against the
rocks." (137:8-9) The
morbid "happiness" of this scene is the contemplation of vengeance against
Babylon, as it is repaid in kind, for the murderous rampage it committed in
Yerushalayim, their troops killing babies by smashing them against rocks. And
yet the impetus for vengeance is the sheer horror at this cruel infanticide. The
linguistic connection of the mass-murder together with the word "sela" is
unavoidable, and with it, the implications of Amatzya's excessive and gratuitous
brutality.
[13] The application of strict
correlation between actions and their reward or punishment is a distinctive
feature of Divrei Ha-yamim. See Japhet pp. 145-154.
[14]
See Y. Kiel Daat Mikra, Melakhim pg. 839-40.
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